Interview with the Saxon Witches – Research of three students of the PUCP

The Experience of Three Students from the Anthropology Course – PUCP

It is not uncommon for certain human groups with their own belief systems, culture, and especially minority status, to be the subject of study by those pursuing anthropology, communications, or other social sciences at various universities.

Since Seax-Wica is not a secret organization or cult, we have always been open to welcoming anyone who wishes to learn more about our tradition and religion, thereby informing “cowan” (people not interested in Wicca).

Among the various conditions for the support we offer—ranging from open participation in our public and private events to providing necessary or documented information about us—we always request that each group of students, researchers, or professionals share with us the essay, monograph, thesis, or paper that recounts their experience with us. This allows us to gain insights from their neutral and academic perspective.

On this occasion, I have been given the opportunity to publicly share the essay of a group of students about their experience with us. Below is the essay:

GENERAL STUDIES LETTERS – PUCP

AUTHORS:

• Alexandra Dávila Ventura
• Claudia Herrera Padilla
• Claudia Marcelo López

Title:

Seax-Wica – Final Project

Prezi presentation in spanish: https://prezi.com/-oxrtan8qv8_/seax-wicca/

This work analyzes our experience in contacting and interacting with some members of the Meomerswiell Seax Coven.

It all began when one of us suggested that we conduct our anthropological work based on a Wiccan group. We had contact through Facebook with someone named “Juan,” who seemed to be managing a group discussing “Wicca.” So, we decided to interact with him. We explained our intention and asked if we could have a more in-depth conversation. He informed us that a meeting was scheduled for the following weekend and invited us to attend the event, called “Pagan Picnic.”

On April 19, 2015, we met and went together to “El Olivar” park. We arrived a little before the start time and decided to wander around the area. There was no one there yet, and we weren’t sure if we were in the right spot. We had some ideas of how we thought they would look and were feeling a bit nervous. Juan had mentioned that most people tend to arrive late (which we observed in subsequent meetings), but we assumed this was more of a Peruvian trait than a Wiccan one.

We passed by a group wearing black shirts who were gathered in a circle, so we thought they might be the ones. We approached them, only to discover they were not Wiccans but fans of the singer Romeo Santos. We laughed and decided not to be too prejudiced based on appearances.

When we finally found the group, while everyone had their unique style of dress, it was nothing out of the ordinary. We brought a package of wafers to share, which we handed over to Carla and Fernando (names have been changed for this essay), the first people we met from the group.

After about an hour, not many more people had arrived, just a couple more. We waited a bit longer, and finally, they officially started the conversation. They asked each of us for our names and what our personal interest was, as well as whether we practiced any pagan religion. They informed us they were members of Seax-Wica; Carla was still in the apprentice phase, but Fernando was already an Initiate and even performed group rituals as a priest.

We expressed our intention to conduct anthropological work and our previous conversation with Juan. We met Juan a few minutes later when he arrived. The first thing that caught our attention was the pendants worn by almost all those claiming to be members of the coven or in training.

Carla explained the concepts of archetype and egregore, leading to a discussion among new members and interested individuals, as well as the intervention of the Initiates. Although the picnic was organized by members of the Seax-Wica coven, it was also aimed at discussing other pagan religions.

It is important to note that “paganism” was a term coined by the Judeo-Christian Catholic Church to label all practices that do not fall within its ideology and beliefs. On the other hand, Wicca is a pagan religion of modern witchcraft; they understand “witchcraft” in the sense that these beliefs have survived since before the Catholic religion to the present day.

We limited ourselves to listening and did not participate much in this first meeting, which extended into the night. As we said our goodbyes, we chatted a bit more with Juan, who assured us that we could keep in touch with him, and we also asked for contact information from other members of the coven, such as Carla, Fernando, a very young guy named Miguel, and Gisela. Some of them had two Facebook accounts and mentioned it was to avoid clashes with friends and family who did not share their interest in Wicca.

Later, in a private meeting with Juan, he explained that the Seax-Wica tradition arrived in Peru through seven initiates from other initiatory schools in 2001 and has since remained a closed coven. However, in November 2005, the coven opened to the public until 2012, when it closed again to pursue new projects within the tradition.

Juan invited us to a gathering called Sabbath, which is a celebration held eight times a year, during the four seasons and mid-seasons, to rejoice with the gods and to spend a day of festivity and joy.

We attended the one held on May 1, 2015, known as “Samhain/Haligaefen,” which could be likened to the celebration of “Wiccan Halloween,” as in the Northern Hemisphere, it is celebrated on October 31, coinciding with the Halloween festival.

We were very anxious because none of us had ever attended a Wiccan celebration or ritual. That day it was agreed that it would start at 5:00 PM and last for two hours. We arrived, as usual, twenty minutes before 5:00 PM, but as expected, the guys were very unpunctual, and it started at 7:00 PM and ended at 9:00 PM. During that time, the group members gradually arrived, but at the beginning, it was just the three of us, Juan, and one more member.

In general, they treated us with great kindness, and we felt very comfortable there. By 6:00 PM, people were still arriving, bringing various snacks, drinks, alcohol, and other options to share at the conclusion of the ritual. At 7:00 PM, everything was ready to begin the ritual, which Juan would lead this time; in other occasions, it had been conducted by Fernando and Carla, who were initiates in the Seax-Wica (Carla had initiated shortly before).

The ritual took place on Juan’s rooftop, and he mentioned that when he held this type of event at his house, his neighbors typically just closed their windows and did nothing else; they had never had any issues with them.

They also explained other rituals, such as the Esbat, which involves a gathering of witches. Typically, it is held 13 times a year for each full moon, but any meeting among initiates, whether for conversation, attending a party, or even just having drinks, is also considered an Esbat.

We asked them if they had a ritual similar to the Catholic marriage ceremony, and they said yes, but it was called a handfasting, which is essentially a ceremony attended by friends of the couple as well as members of the Seax-Wica. During this ceremony, the couple is asked, “Why are you getting married?” and “What do you love about the other person or why do you love them?” They do this because they believe it is important to have clear reasons for their union, in contrast to the Catholic wedding where the priest says, “until death do us part,” in Seax-Wica it is, “until love ends.” During the ceremony, they tie a ribbon that effectively joins the hands of both individuals.

Similarly, there is also the unbinding, which serves as the “divorce” of a couple. It is conducted only when both parties agree to do so. The priestess and priest act somewhat like psychologists, as they assess the reasons for the separation, and once an agreement is reached, a ceremony is performed.

This basically consists of untying the ribbon as a symbol that they are no longer one, but two individuals who are free to seek their happiness again.

After this, they conduct a cleansing of rings. This process is interesting because the two people do not harbor resentment towards each other; on the contrary, it helps them understand that one of them faltered and that their destiny is no longer to be united.

On Saturday, June 21, 2015, we went to Juan’s house to conduct a brief interview, as our presentation was the following Tuesday. When we arrived, Juan greeted us warmly, as always. We moved to his living room, where Claudia H. sat next to Juan, while Claudia M. and I sat on the adjacent sofa. Juan asked how he could assist us, and we requested that he share with us his insights about Seax-Wica in his life, its history, and an overview of the tradition.

Juan began by explaining that the history of this tradition starts with Gerald Gardner, who traveled to Malaysia and discovered similarities among ancient cults. He became interested in witchcraft and was initiated into a coven. Later, he separated from that group and created his own version, known as Gardnerian Wicca. Raymond Buckland belonged to this branch of Wicca but later also distanced himself to reform it, founding Seax-Wica in 1973 with the publication of his foundational book titled “The Tree: Complete Book of Saxon Witchcraft.”

He informed us that he learned about Wicca through the Internet, which piqued his interest. However, he regrettably could not practice it because he needed certain prerequisites, leading him to choose Seax-Wica, which he found more feasible. He mentioned that Seax-Wica had helped him moderate his character, as he had been very impulsive before practicing this religion. Juan now lives according to the ideology of Seax-Wica, which can be represented through the following phrases:

“Do what you will without harming anyone, but if someone harms you or your loved ones, do not hesitate to defend yourself.”

“We use magic only to prove that the gods exist.”

“Everything you do, whether good or bad, will return to you threefold.”

They consider themselves moderate individuals. For them, this is known as the rule of three: Any action you take will have positive or negative consequences. For instance, if Juan harms Marta, the rule of three will work as follows: The harm Juan receives in return will first come from Marta, then from Marta’s friends and family, and finally, from society.

Regarding the religion itself, they consider the Norse pantheon. They have two main gods: the first is Woden, the god of fertility; that is why he is represented with horns. The second is Frig, the goddess of fertility, often depicted with large hips and breasts.

Additionally, the guidelines for members of Seax-Wica are numerous, but the main one is that there are no hierarchies among them. However, there are three titles used to differentiate members: Seax Gesith, the Initiates; Seax Ceorl, the apprentices or those in training; and Seax Theow, which are friends or enthusiasts. For example, the three of us are Seax Theow.

Each member has their own “Book of Shadows.” In it, they write spells, rituals, and some even write the entire foundational book. For instance, Miguel, one of the group members, wrote his entire book of shadows in runes and showed it to us at the Pagan Picnic we attended. He also recommended that everyone have their own portable altar. The altar for rituals typically contains a representation of the gods Woden and Frig, as well as candles, incense, a cup for water, a plate for food, which could be a cake, an athame (dagger), and one or more animal horns (from cows, goats, etc.). It may also include a quartz crystal and other adornments.

After this, we discussed the use of magic. He told us that being part of Seax-Wica is more about worshipping their gods, Woden and Frig, than using magic. Magic is only used for specific cases, such as a health ritual if someone they know is ill or to undo a spell that someone may have used to attack them. In this situation, Claudia M. asked if everyone could perform the health ritual, and he replied that no, only Miguel could do so, as he has the necessary abilities to heal someone. I then asked what powers he possessed. Juan told us that he had the powers of empathy and clairvoyance.

At that moment, I felt encouraged to share with Juan what I often experienced—that at times I could see something that was going to happen and that in other cases, I could guess what others might say.

In response, Juan said this was normal because all people are born with some power, and it’s just a matter of time before it becomes apparent or simply lies dormant. Claudia M. then mentioned that she used to talk to a doll, and that the doll spoke back and even moved on its own. Juan stated that this was due to the power Claudia had given to the doll, as it had transformed from being a mere toy to an Egregor—an object imbued with power, the power bestowed by Claudia.

We spent hours talking with Juan. Claudia H. asked if they used the Ouija board, and he said yes, but only to communicate with a family member, and that they only used it in very special cases.

To conclude our last meeting, we mentioned to Juan that we had seen online discussions about the spirits each person possessed and asked if he knew what spirit he had. Juan replied that he didn’t know because no one had managed to see it. He then asked if we wanted to try to find out, and we all agreed. Juan placed a chair in front of him. I was the first to try; he told me to relax my gaze and narrate what I saw. Following his instructions, everything appeared blurry, but I couldn’t see more clearly. When I finished, Juan said my spirit was that of a toad with large eyes. Next was Claudia M., who also saw only a blur, and her spirit was that of a Chinese soldier. Finally, Claudia H., whose spirit was that of a feline; Juan remarked that hers was the oldest spirit.

After this, we said goodbye to Juan and thanked him for being so kind to us, mentioning that we would keep in touch with him via Facebook.